Giovanni Villani (Italian pronunciation: [dʒoˈvanni vilˈlaːni]; c. 1276 or 1280 - 1348)[1][2] was an Italian banker, official, diplomat and chronicler from Florence who wrote the Nuova Cronica (New Chronicles) on the history
of Florence. He was
a leading statesman of Florence but later gained an unsavory reputation and
served time in prison as a result of the bankruptcy of a trading and banking
company he worked for. His interest in and elaboration of economic details,
statistical information, and political and psychological insight mark him as a
more modern chronicler of late medieval Europe.[3] His Cronica is viewed as the
first introduction of statistics as a positive element in history.[4] However, historian Kenneth
R. Bartlett notes
that, in contrast to his Renaissance-era
successors,
"his reliance on such elements as divine providence links Villani closely with the
medieval vernacular chronicle tradition."[5] In recurring themes made implicit
through significant events described in his Cronica, Villani also
emphasized three assumptions about the relationship of sin and morality to
historical events, these being that excess brings disaster, that forces of
right and wrong are in constant struggle, and that events are directly
influenced by the will of God.
Villani was inspired to write his Cronica
after attending the jubilee celebration in Rome in 1300 and noting the venerable history of
that city. He outlined the events in his Cronica year for year,
following a strictly linear narrative format. He provided intricate details on
many important historical events of the city of Florence and the wider region
of Tuscany, such as construction projects, floods, fires,
famines, and plagues.[6][7][8]
While continuing
work on the Cronica and detailing the enormous loss of life during the Black Death in 1348, Villani died of the same illness.[9] His work
on the Cronica was continued by his brother and nephew. Villani's work
has received both praise and criticism from modern historians. The criticism is
mostly aimed at his emphasis on supernatural guidance of events, his organizational style, and his glorification of
the papacy and
Florence.
Life and career
Art: A painting by Giotto di Bondone in the Basilica of
Santa Croce, Florence, within the
chapel owned by the Peruzzi bankers;
Giotto's artworks were praised by Villani.[10]
Giovanni Villani was born into the
Florentine merchant middle class. He was the son of Villano di Stoldi di
Bellincione, who came from an old and well-respected arti maggiori
family of merchants.[11][12] Villani was a member of the Arte di Calimala (wool finishers) guild in Florence since 1300, serving on the mercanzia
council of eight.[9] During that year he visited Rome during the jubilee celebration. After
observing the well-known ancient monuments of Rome and acknowledging its renowned historical personages, he was
inspired to write the Cronica, a universal history of Florence in a strictly linear,
year-by-year format.[5] During the early years of the 14th
century, he gained political perspective by travelling throughout Italy,
Switzerland, France and Flanders for the Peruzzi bank, of which he was a shareholder from 1300
to 1308.[9][13] Traveling abroad as a factor for the company, Villani was paid a regular
salary in addition to his shareholding profits.[14] On May 15, 1306, one of the first
exchange contracts (cambium) to mention the city of Bruges involved two parties: Giovanni Villani, representing
the Peruzzi Company, granting a loan to Tommaso Fini, representing the
Gallerani Company of Siena.[15] Villani and his brother Matteo transferred most of their economic activities
to the Buonaccorsi firm by 1322. Giovanni Villani was a co-director of
Buonaccorsi in 1324.[9] The Buonaccorsi handled banking and
commodity trade activities, spreading their influence throughout Italy, France,
Flanders, England and several places in the Mediterranean.[9]
Villani returned to Florence in 1307
where he married and settled down for a life of city politics. He became one of
the priors of Florence in 1316 and 1317. At the same
time, he participated in the crafty diplomatic tactics that resulted in peace
with Pisa and Lucca.[2] As head of the mint beginning in 1316, he collected its earlier
records and created a register of all the coins struck in Florence.[2] In 1321, he was again chosen prior,
and in 1324 was deputed to inspect the rebuilding of the city walls.[2] He went with the Florentine army to
fight against Castruccio
Castracani, lord of
Lucca, and was present at Altopascio during Florence's
defeat. In his Cronica,
he gave a detailed account of why Florence was unable to acquire Lucca after
the death of Castruccio Castracani.[16]
A famine spread across Tuscany in 1328. From 1329 to
1330 Villani was a commune-appointed magistrate of provisioning
protecting Florence from the famine's worst effects. In order to mitigate rising
levels of starvation and assuage peasant discontent, grain was speedily
imported from Sicily through Talamone, 60,000 gold
florins were taken
from the city purse by the Florentine commune to aid the relief effort, and all
the city's bakers had their ovens requisitioned by the government so that
loaves of bread could be sold at affordable prices to the riotous and starving
poor.[17]
Villani was sent on another
diplomatic mission in 1329, this time to Bologna to meet Cardinal Bertrand
de Pouget.[9] From 1330 to 1331 he superintended
the making of Andrea
Pisano's bronze
doors for the Baptistry.[2][9] At the same time, he served as the
consul for his guild of the Arte di Calimala and watched over the
raising of the campanile of the Badìa.[18] He was also sent with others as a
hostage to Ferrara, to ensure that Florence made good
on a debt; he resided there for some months in 1341.[19]
Villani often expressed an
optimistic viewpoint in his writing; this changed with the short-lived regime
of Walter VI
of Brienne, a
despot invited to Florence and granted signoria.[20] In fact, after experiencing his own
financial troubles, a terminated career, and the failure of Florence in
international affairs, and witnessing a host of different natural calamities
and the onset of the Black Death in Europe, he became convinced that the apocalypse and final judgement was near.[21] The bankruptcy of the Buonaccorsi
Company led to Villani's conviction and imprisonment in 1346, as he was a main
partner.[22][23] Other banking companies also went
bankrupt, such as the Peruzzi in 1343 and the Compagnia
dei Bardi in 1346
(they were allied in a joint venture by 1336); Villani calculated that before
their bankruptcy the Peruzzi had lost some 600,000 florins and the Bardi had
lost some 900,000 florins.[24] Although Villani attributed the
losses to the companies' massive monetary loans to Edward III
of England which
were never repaid, historian Edwin S. Hunt suggests that the firms simply
lacked the resources to have made such loans, which in all probability were
much smaller and were not the key reasons for the companies' failures.[25] The Bardi and Peruzzi were just two
of many European banks that Edward III accepted loans from, prominent
members of the Bardi and other Florentine families were owed only 63,000
Florins by Edward in 1348, and even a mass of small lenders and investors in
Florence could not have made the necessary loan to England.[26] The figure Villani asserted of
400,000 Florins owed to the Peruzzi by Edward alone equalled Villani's estimate
for the entire payroll of 30,000 workers of the Florentine cloth industry in
1338.[27] Hunt asserts that the failures of
the Florentine banks seems closely tied to the expansionist policy of Florence
in Tuscany, hoping that newly conquered territory would yield greater security
for their trade in northern Europe, but instead resulted in costly campaigns
and little profit.[28] In addition to the questionable
figures Villani posed for the Peruzzi and Bardi companies, it is also known
that several events described in his Cronica surrounding the
Buonaccorsi's bankruptcy were written to deliberately obscure the truth about
the company's fraudulent behavior; Miller writes that "this is one of the
most convincing conclusions" of historian Michele Luzzati's Giovanni
Villani e
Villani and the Buonaccorsi had
gained an unsavory reputation as early as 1331, when Villani was tried (and
cleared) for barratry for his part in building the new
third circuit of walls around Florence.[9] Charles, Duke of Calabria had granted the Buonaccorsi the right to tax three of the six districts
of Florence, which did not help Villani's reputation amongst his fellow
citizens.[9] In early June 1342, partners and
agents of the Buonaccorsi suddenly fled Florence, Avignon, and Naples, following bankruptcy proceedings by
creditors, nearly all of whom had deposits in the Buonaccorsi bank.[30] Like other Florentine bankers and
companies having difficulty with bankruptcy at the time, in September 1342 they
supported the move to invite Walter VI of Brienne to become the next signor of Florence. Walter later suspended
all legal actions taken against the Buonaccorsi and other company partners for
nearly a year.[30]
However, the legal case against the
company was reopened and resumed in October 1343, after the violent overthrow
of Walter VI.[30] It is unclear how long Villani
served his prison sentence for alleged misconduct during the economic disaster
of 1346. It is known that he was imprisoned in the Carceri delle Stinche.[31] After the overthrow of the Brienne
regime and a subsequent but short-lived aristocratic signoria, the novi
cives or new families—some even from the lesser guilds—rose up in late
September 1343 and established a government that provided them with much
greater representation in officialdom.[32] Villani and other chroniclers
disdained these rustic non-aristocrats who suddenly rose to power, considering
them brazen upstarts incapable of governance.[12][33] Villani's class was at a
constitutional disadvantage, as twenty-one guilds representing twenty-one equal
voices in government meant that the oligarchy of higher guildsmen was
"helplessly outnumbered" as historian John M. Najemy states.[34] Yet by the 1350s the general
attitude towards the novi cives had changed much, as even Villani's
brother Matteo depicted them in a heroic light for being united in a coalition
with the merchants and artisans to curb oligarchic power.[33][35] Villani was also a staunch
supporter of what he deemed the liberties of the Church, while criticizing the
new popular government of the novi cives since they protested against
the many legal exemptions the Church enjoyed.[36] However, he did find civic pride in
that the whole city—including the novi cives—had joined together in an
uprising against Walter VI, whose sins of imposing tyranny were, to
Villani, sufficient justification for the violence needed to overthrow him.[37]
Nuova Cronica
Main article: Nuova Cronica
Villani's work is an Italian chronicle written from the perspective of the
political class of Florence just as the city rose to a rich and powerful
position. Only scanty and partly legendary records had preceded his work, and
there is little known of events before the death of Countess
Matilda in 1115.[39] The Chronica de origine
civitatis was composed sometime before 1231, but there is little comparison
between this work and Villani's; mid-20th-century historian Nicolai Rubinstein
states that the legendary accounts in this earlier chronicle were
"arbitrarily selected by a compiler whose learning and critical faculties
were considerably below the standard of his age."[40] In contrast, Rubinstein states
Villani provided "a mature expression" of Florentine history.[40] Yet Villani still relied upon the Chronica
de origine civitatis as the prime source for Florence's early history in
his narrative.[41]
In the 36th chapter of Book 8,[41] Villani states that the idea of
writing the Cronica was suggested to him during the jubilee of Rome in
1300,[1] under the following circumstances
after Pope
Boniface VIII
made in honor of Christ's nativity a great indulgence; Villani writes:
And being on that blessed pilgrimage in the
sacred city of Rome and seeing its great and ancient monuments and reading the
great deeds of the Romans as described by Virgil, Sallust, Lucan, Livy,
Valerius, Orosius, and other masters of history ... I took my prompting
from them although I am a disciple unworthy of such an undertaking. But in view
of the fact that our city of Florence, daughter and offspring of Rome, was
mounting and pursuing great purposes, while Rome was in its decline, I thought
it proper to trace in this chronicle the origins of the city of Florence, so
far as I have been able to recover them, and to relate the city's further
development at greater length, and at the same time to give a brief account of
events throughout the world as long as it please God, in the hope of whose
favor I undertook the said enterprise rather than in reliance on my own poor
wits. And thus in the year 1300, on my return from Rome, I began to compile
this book in the name of God and the blessed John the Baptist and in honor of
our city of Florence.[5]
In his writing, Villani states that
he considers Florence to be the "daughter and creation of Rome," but
asserts Rome's decline
and Florence's rise as a great city compelled him to lay out a detailed history
of the city.[41] To emphasize the imperial greatness
of Florentine history, Villani also asserted that the city was given a second founding
when it was rebuilt by Charlemagne (r. 800-814 as Holy
Roman Emperor)—which
was absent from the Chronica de origine civitatis.[42] Historian J. K. Hyde writes that the idea of Florence
being the daughter of Rome would have given the Florentines a sense of destiny,
while the second founding by Charlemagne provided historical context for
alliance with France, which Hyde calls "the touchstone of Guelphism".[43] Villani's reasoning for Rome's
decline was the schisms of the Church and rebellion against the papal
institution, while the ascension of Otto I, Holy Roman Emperor (r. 962-973) allowed for the conditions of
Florence's rise against enemies of papal authority, such as
Florentine-conquered Fiesole.[44] Villani was certain that the
Republic of Florence had experienced a great setback on its path to glory with
the defeat of the Guelphs
by the Ghibellines
at the Battle
of Montaperti in
1260.[45] Despite this, Villani states that
the paramount prosperity and tranquility of the city by 1293 was evidenced by
the fact that its gates were no longer locked at night and that indirect taxes
such as the gate fee (common in times of war) were not levied.[46] Historian Felicity Ratté states
that the validity of this comment should be heavily scrutinized considering the
Florence statutes of 1290 that designated employment for individuals in charge
of locking the city gates.[46] Villani also contradicts himself by
writing of a night attack on Florence in 1323 which clearly demonstrates the
fact that the gates were locked at night.[47]
In 1300 or shortly after, Villani
began working on the Cronica, which was divided into twelve books; the
first six deal with the largely legendary history of Florence, starting at
conventionally biblical times with the story of the Tower of Babel up to the year 1264.[49][50] The second phase, in six books,
covered the history from 1264 until his own time, all the way up to 1346.[49] He outlined the events in his Cronica
in year-to-year accounts; for this he has gained criticism over the years for
writing in an episodic manner lacking a unifying theme or point of view.[16] He wrote his Cronica in the vernacular language rather than Latin, the language of the educated elite.[51] His chronicles are intercut with
historical episodes reported just as he heard them, sometimes with little
interpretation.[52] This often led to historical
inaccuracies in his work,[52] especially in the biographies of
historical or contemporary people living outside of Florence (even with
well-known monarchs).[53]
Despite numerous mistakes, Villani
often displayed an insider's knowledge on many subjects, as a result of his
extensive travels and access to both official and private documents.[9] For example, De Vries states that
he wrote one of the most accurate accounts of the Battle
of Crécy during the
Hundred
Years' War,
including information that the archers were placed precariously behind the
English and Welsh infantry, not on the flanks as others asserted.[54] While describing detailed events
unfolding within the city, Villani would name every individual street, square,
bridge, family, and person involved, assuming his readers would have the same
intimate knowledge of Florence as he did.[37]
Villani is perhaps unequalled for
the value of the statistical data he has preserved.[52] For example, he recorded that in
Florence there were 80 banks, 146 bakeries, 80 members in an
association of city judges with 600 notaries, 60 physicians and
surgical doctors, 100 shops and dealers of spices, 8,000 to
10,000 children attending primary school each year, 550 to
600 students attending 4 different schools for Scholastic knowledge, 13,200 bushels of grain consumed weekly by the city, and
70,000 to 80,000 pieces of cloth produced in the workshops of the Arte della Lana each year, the latter having a
total value of 1,200,000 gold florins.[55][56]
Villani was a Guelph,[9] but his book is much more taken up
with an inquiry into what is useful and true than with factional party
considerations. In a departure from Guelph politics, he favored republicanism over monarchy,[9] praising the philosopher Brunetto Latini as "the master and initiator
in refining the Florentines, in making them skilled in good speaking and in
knowing how to guide and rule our republic according to political
science."[57][58] However, Villani admitted in his
writing that republicanism bred factional strife, that benevolent rulers like Robert of Naples were sometimes needed to keep
order, and republicanism could become tyrannical if it came to represent only
one class (such as exclusive favoring of aristocrats, merchants, or artisans).[9] When detailing the construction of
the Florence
Cathedral and the
artist Giotto
di Bondone as the
designer of the new bell tower, Villani called him "the most sovereign
master of painting in his time."[10]
Villani's Cronica also
provides the first known biography of Dante Alighieri (1265-1321),[2][59] author of the Divine Comedy, who Villani described as haughty,
disdainful, and reserved.[60] In his revised Cronica of
1322, Villani shortened Dante's biography and the amount of quotations taken
from his Divine Comedy.[50] Villani's actions are explained by
Richard H. Lansing and Teodolinda
Barolini, who
write: "Evidently two decades after the poet's death a conservative writer
closely identified with the Florentine state still felt obliged to distance
himself from the most outspoken critic of the basis of that state's
prestige."[50]
Historian Louis Green writes that
the Cronica was written with three general assumptions about morality[61] which shaped the organization of
the work, "[channeling] events into recurring patterns of
significance."[61] These general assumptions were that
excess brings disaster, that history is governed by a struggle between right
and wrong, and that there is a direct connection between the events of the
natural world and the overriding, supernatural and divine will of God who
intercedes in these events.[61] For example, Villani described the
story of Count Ugolini of Pisa, who at the height of attaining his
ill-gotten wealth and power was overthrown and eventually starved to death
along with his sons.[62] Green writes that this story in the
Cronica bears a resemblance to the ancient Greek story of Polycrates and his ring in the work of Herodotus.[63] However, Green notes that Villani's
"cautionary tales" disembarked from the Classical Greek tradition of
the arrogant and haughty rich falling from fortune due to the Greek belief in
equalizing forces determining one's unavoidable fate, which Green calls
"excessive good fortune having to be balanced by an appropriate measure of
sorrow."[63] Villani's adherence to Medieval
Christianity allowed him to suggest retribution was delivered because of sin and insult to God.[63] He stressed that those who gained
prestige would fall prey to pride; confidence in their position would then lead
them to sin, and sin would bring on a stage of decline.[64] Villani wrote:
... it seems that it happens in the lordships and states of earthly
dignitaries, that as they are at their highest peak, so presently does their
decline and ruin follow, and not without the providence of divine justice, in
order to punish sins and so that no one should place his trust in fallacious
good fortune.[63]
For Villani, this theory of sin and
morality being tied directly with fate and fortune fit well with the ultimate
fate of the Capetian
dynasty of France.[64] The House of Capet was once the champion of the Church
and ally of the papacy.[64] However, Villani correlated Philip
the Fair's defiance
of Pope
Boniface VIII
and seizure of the Templar's wealth with later Capetian
misfortunes, such as Philip's death in a hunting accident, the adultery of the
wives of his three sons, the death of his heirs, and even French defeats in the
Hundred Years' War.[64] Green points out that in Villani's
writing there are two significant earthly powers that seem to be exempt or
immune from this theory of immorality leading to downfall: Florence and the
papacy.[65] The interests of these two powers
represent, as Green states, "the kingpin of Villani's scheme of historical
interpretation."[65]
Besides Divine Providence, Villani
acknowledged other events that he believed were explainable via the
supernatural. He wrote of many instances where holy men offered prophetic
statements that later proved true, such as Pope Clement IV's prophecy on the outcome for the Battle
of Tagliacozzo.[66] He believed that certain events
were really omens of what was to come. For instance, when a lion
was sent to Florence as a gift by Boniface VIII, a donkey purportedly
killed the lion.[66] He interpreted this as an omen that
foretold the Pope's beating and untimely death shortly after fighting Philip IV
at Anagni; Villani wrote: "when the tamed beast
kills the King of Beasts, then the dissolution of the Church will begin."[66] He also believed in astrology and changes in the heavens as
indication of political changes, the deaths of rulers and popes, and natural
calamities.[67] However, he noted that the movement
of the heavens would not always predetermine the actions of men and did not
trump the divine plan of God.[67]
Marilyn Aronberg Lavin states that
Villani was most likely serving as a Peruzzi representative in Flanders when he
heard the story of the French Jew
who in 1290 tried to destroy Host
bread (of the Eucharist) but was unsuccessful as the bread
allegedly bled profusely as he stabbed it, and turned into flesh as he
attempted to boil it in water.[68] In the original account by the Ghent monk Jean de Thilrode in 1294, the Jew was
compelled to convert to Christianity, but Villani's account followed that of
the later Chronicles of Saint-Denis (1285-1328) which told that the Jew was burned
to death for his crime.[68] Villani's Cronica marks the
first appearance in Italian literature of this legend, while "Villani's
report includes details which establish an independent Italian branch of the
tradition" according to Lavin.[69] St.
Antoninus, archbishop of Florence, repeated the story of Villani in
his Latin Chronicles, while Villani's illustrated Cronica
featured a scene of this French Jew that later appeared in a painting by Paolo Uccello.[70]
Death and
continuation of Villani's work
Villani wrote during the bubonic plague: "The priest who confessed the
sick and those who nursed them so generally caught the infection that the
victims were abandoned and deprived confession, sacrament, medicine, and
nursing ... And many lands and cities were made desolate. And this plague
lasted till ________"; Villani left the "_______" in order to
record the time in which the plague was to end.[71][72] Villani was unable to finish the
line as he succumbed to the same plague.[72][73] He was buried in the Church of Santissima Annunziata, Florence.[9]
See Map: showing the spread of bubonic plague in Europe, a process Villani described in detail, noting that the death
toll from the Black Death in Florence was not as great as other cities and regions he listed,
such as Turkey, Pistoia, Prato, Bologna, Romagna, France, etc.[71]
Villani's Cronica was
considered an important work at the time, valuable enough for his brother and
nephew to continue it.[9][49] Little is known of Villani's
brother, Matteo, save that he was twice married,
that he died of the plague in 1363, and that he continued work on the Cronica
until his death.[5] Filippo Villani, Matteo's son,[49] flourished in the latter half of
the 14th century and ended the Cronica at 1364;[5] his portion includes details of the
lives of many Florentine artists and musicians, including Giotto di Bondone and Francesco Landini. Filippo's chronicles were approved
by the Chancellor
of Florence, Coluccio Salutati, who made corrections to the work
and added commentary.[74] The 15th-century Florentine historian
Domenico di Leonardo Buoninsegni also featured in the first two chapters of his
Istoria Fiorentina a summary of Villani's Cronica.[75]
By the 16th century, more than one
edition of the Cronica was available in printed form.[76] There was also an abundance of handwritten
illuminated manuscripts, including one from Venice by
Bartholomeo Zanetti Casterzagense in 1537 and one from Florence by Lorenzo
Torrentino in 1554.[76]
Legacy and
criticism
Historian J.K. Hyde states that the Nuova
Cronica of Villani is representative of the strong vernacular tradition in
Florence, appealing to the people of the time as a narrative that was
"easy to read, full of human interest and occasionally spiced with novella-type anecdotes."[43] Hyde also notes that Villani's
criticisms of the commune politics in Florence promoted a trend of personal
expression amongst later chroniclers that defied official conformity.[77] The Cronica is also an
incredibly rich historical record; its greatest value to modern historians is
its descriptions of the people, data, and events experienced by Villani during
his lifetime.[39] Historian Mark Phillips states that
all subsequent Florentine accounts of the tyrannical regime of Walter VI
of Brienne—including those by Leonardo Bruni and Niccolò
Machiavelli—were
based upon the primary source of Villani's Cronica.[37] Villani's written work on Dante
Alighieri and the age in which he lived has provided insight into Dante's work,
reasoning, and psyche.[78] The reprinting of new editions of
Villani's work in the early 20th century provided material for a resurgence in
the study of Dante.[79] However, Villani's descriptions of
events which preceded him by centuries are riddled with inaccurate traditional
accounts, popular legend, and hearsay.[39]
In regard to his own time, Villani
provides modern historians with valuable details on Florentine social and
living habits, such as the growing trend and craze of wealthy Florentines in
building large country homes far outside of the city.[80] However, the early 20th-century
historian Philip
Wicksteed stated of
Villani, "When dealing with his own times, and with events immediately
connected with Florence, he is a trustworthy witness, but minute accuracy is
never his strong point; and in dealing with distant times and places he is
hopelessly unreliable."[39] For example, although Nicolai
Rubinstein acknowledged that Villani's chronicles were much more matured and
developed than earlier ones, Villani still relied on legend and hearsay to
account for the origins of cities such as Fiesole.[81] On Villani's estimation that a
third of Antwerp's population died off during the Great Famine of 1315-1317, the early 20th-century historian Henry S. Lucas wrote, "not much
faith can be placed in such statistics which are little better than
guesses."[82] Louis Green notes Villani's
limitation as a chronicler and not a full-fledged historian:
Recording as he did incidents in the order of their occurrence without
any of the historian's pretensions to a thematic organization of his material,
he could not feed back the lessons of a changing present into a reinterpreted
past. Nor did his devotion to the justification and glorification of Florence
permit him to see in the altered fortunes of his city a repetition of the
pattern of decline he had illustrated in the histories of the great dynasties
of his age.[21]
Louis Green asserts that Giovanni's Cronica
expressed the outlook of the merchant community in Florence at the time, but
also provided valuable indications of "how that outlook was modified in a
direction away from characteristically medieval to embryonically modern
attitudes."[51] Green writes that Villani's Cronica
was one of three types of chronicles found in the 14th century, the type which
was largely a universal
history.[51] Other types would be chronicles of
particular historic episodes such as Dino Compagni's account of the White Guelphs and
Black Guelphs or the more domestic chronicle that focused on the fortunes and
events of one family, as written by Donato Velluti or Giovanni Morelli.[83]
See also
·Assassin's Creed
II, a video game that features Giovanni Villani as
"Giovanni Auditore Da Firenze"
Notes
1. Bartlett (1992), 35.
2. Vauchez et al.
(2000), 1517.
3.
Bartlett (1992), 35-36.
4.
Villani, Giovanni. Encyclopædia
Britannica. Retrieved March 4, 2008, from Encyclopædia Britannica 2006 Ultimate Reference Suite
DVD
5. Bartlett (1992), 36.
6. Bartlett (1992), 36-40.
7. Kleinhenz (2004), 1102.
8. Benedictow (2004), 286.
9. Kleinhenz (2004), 1144.
10. Bartlett (1992), 37.
11. Kleinhenz (2004), 1147.
12. Baron (1960), 443.
13.
"Villani, Giovanni."
(2008). In Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Retrieved on 2008-01-14.
14. De Roover (2007), 33.
15. De Roover (2007), 49.
16. Kleinhenz (2004), 1145.
17. Bartlett (1992), 39.
18. Franklin Toker (1976), 158, footnote 10.
19.
Michele Luzzati, Villani,
Giovanni, in: Lexikon des
Mittelalters, vol. 8, col. 1679.
20. Kleinhenz (2004), 1146.
21. Green (1967), 168.
22. Caesar (1989), 147-148.
23. Wolfgang (1960), 150.
24. Hunt (1990), 149 and 151.
25. Hunt (1990), 149-150.
26. Hunt (1990), 155-157.
27. Hunt (1990), 157.
28. Hunt (1990), 160.
29. Miller et al. (2002),
109, Footnote 10.
30.
Miller et al. (2002),
109.
31.
Wolfgang (1960), 149-150.
32.
Becker (1962), 360.
33. Becker (1962), 360-361.
34. Najemy (1979), 63.
35. Baron (1960), 443-444.
36.
Becker (1959), 64-65.
37.
Phillips (1979), 89.
38.
De Vries (2006), 162, 173, 175.
39.
Wicksteed (1906), xxxi.
40. Rubinstein (1942), 199.
41. Rubinstein (1942), 214.
42. Rubinstein (1942), 215-216.
43. Hyde (1979), 124.
44. Rubinstein (1942), 217.
45. Olson (1997), 289
46. Ratté (1999), 148.
47. Ratté (1999), 153.
48. Kleinhenz (2004), 1031.
49. Caesar (1989), 148.
50. Lansing et al. (2000), 859.
51. Green (1967), 161.
52. Chisholm (1910), 903.
53. Wicksteed (1906), xxxi,
xxxii, xxxiii.
54. De Vries (2006), 162.
55. Bartlett (1992), 41-42.
56. Lopez et al. (2001),
72.
57. Hyde (1979), 122.
58. Becker (1964), 201.
59. Caesar (1989), xi.
60. Caesar (1989), 13, 457.
61. Green (1967), 163.
62. Green (1967), 163-164.
63. Green (1967), 164.
64. Green (1967), 165.
65. Green (1967), 165-166.
66. Green (1967), 166.
67. Green (1967), 167.
68. Lavin (1967), 3-4.
69. Lavin (1967), 4.
70. Lavin (1967), 4-5.
71. Bartlett (1992), 38.
72. Benedictow (2004), 69.
73. Bartlett (1992), 36, 38.
74. Selby (1958), 243.
75. Molho (1970), 259.
76. Rudolph (2006), 66.
77. Hyde (1979), 124-125.
78. Wicksteed (1906), xxv-xlvi
79. Caesar (1989), 58-59.
80. Goldthwaite (1980), 13, 22.
81. Rubinstein (1942), 209.
82. Lucas (1930), 366.
83. Green (1967), 161-162.
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External links
·
Fordham's "Medieval Sourcebook" gives illuminating and flavorful excerpts from the Florentine
Chronicle.
·
Villani's Chronicles Rose E. Selfe's
English translation of Dante relevant selections.
· Giovanni Villani:
La Nuova Cronica - Un'opera emblematica della storiografia trecentesca (in Italian)
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